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All of the following is true of the Mongol conquests on the Korean peninsula Ancient Vietnamese relationships with China are accurately described by all of the. Rulers of Korea, Mongolia, East Turkistan, Myanmar, Siam, and Nam Viet .. the Ming emperors maintained China's traditional feudal-seeming relationships. The North Korean defectors live there, often briefly, under a tenuous balance between Mongolia-U.S. diplomatic relations and Mongolia-North.
As was true throughout ancient and early modern East Asia, women in Korea were generally sequestered and under the authority of their fathers, husbands or sons. Is voluntary service to the court by ambitious peasants. Is a form of tax imposed by a government. Is similar to the American WPA in that it was developed to provide basic necessities to the poor and homeless. Was a factor only during times of Chinese dominance.
The first Korean state predated Korean contact with China. Extended far into the area of what is now southern Manchuria.
Multiple Choice Quiz
We are able to reconstruct the history of early Korea from the copious written records of the first dynasty. It consists of many islands, with the main four islands varying greatly in climatic conditions.
Japan is fortunate in that an unusually high proportion of its land is suitable for agriculture. Rugged landscape of Japan has supported development of politically isolated, culturally united communities. The following are in the correct order: The dramatic changes in Japanese society and political organization during the period between and were made possible by: The creativity with which the Japanese interpreted and implemented Western ideas.
Dramatic increases in food production. The symbiotic relationship between the emperor and the shogun. The wealth accrued through trade with China and Korea. The Shogunate era in Japan refers to: The period during which the emperor personally assumed the responsibilities of military leadership. The organization developed by the Japanese to repel the Mongol invasions.
The period during which all Japanese, including peasants and merchants, had military responsibilities. The time when real power vested in the hereditary military dictator, with the emperor largely acting as a figurehead. The authors of the textbook consider the influence of China in East Asia to be analogous to: The influence of France in Europe.
The influence of South Asia in China. The influence of the Greek-Hellenistic and Roman cultures in Europe. The influence of Aristotle on Enlightenment thought. The Koguryo of Choson. Vietnam has been one of the world centers of wet rice cultivation from the time the grain was domesticated.
They were also eligible to compete in triennial metropolitan examinations conducted at the national capital.
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Those who passed were given degrees often called doctorates jinshi and promptly took an additional palace examination, nominally presided over by the emperor, on the basis of which they were ranked in order of excellence. They were registered as qualified officials by the Ministry of Personnel, which assigned them to active-duty posts as vacancies occurred. While on duty they were evaluated regularly by their administrative superiors and irregularly by touring inspectors from the Censorate.
It was normally only after long experience and excellent records in low- and middle-grade posts, both in the provinces and in the capital, that an official might be nominated for high office and appointed by personal choice of the emperor.
The sons of well-to-do families clearly had advantages, and men of the affluent and cultured southeastern region so threatened to monopolize scholastic competitions that regional quotas for those passing the metropolitan examinations were imposed by the government, beginning in Social mobilityas reflected in the Ming civil service, was very possibly greater than in Song times and was clearly greater than in the succeeding Qing era.
The Ming pattern of government has generally been esteemed for its stability under civil service dominance, its creativity in devising new institutions to serve changing needs, and its suppression of separatist warlords on one hand and disruptive interference by imperial clansmen and palace women on the other. It suffered, however, from sometimes vicious factionalism among officials, recurrences of abusive influence on the part of palace eunuchs, and defects in its establishment of hereditary soldiers.
The military system not only failed to achieve self-support but stagnated steadily, so that from the midth century onward it had to be supplemented by conscripts and, finally, all but replaced by mercenary recruits. Most notoriously, the Ming state system allowed emperors to behave capriciously and abusively toward their officials.
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Despite their high prestige, officials had to accept being ignored, humiliated, dismissed, and subjected to bodily punishment and to risk being cruelly executed sometimes in large numbersas suited the imperial fancy.
Power was concentrated in the hands of the Ming emperors to a degree that was probably unparalleled in any other long-lived dynasty of Chinese history, and the Ming emperors often exercised their vast powers in abusive fashion. These included the aboriginal tribes of south and southwest China, who often rose in isolated rebellions but were gradually being assimilated.
Foreign rulers were thus expected to honour and observe the Ming ritual calendar, to accept nominal appointments as members of the Ming nobility or military establishment, and, especially, to send periodic missions to the Ming capital to demonstrate fealty and present tribute of local commodities.
Tributary envoys from continental neighbours were received and entertained by local and provincial governments in the frontier zones. Those from overseas were welcomed by special maritime trade supervisorates shibosi, often called trading-ship offices at three key ports on the southeast and south coasts: The frontier and coastal authorities forwarded foreign missions to the national capital, where the Ministry of Rites offered them hospitality and arranged for their audiences with the emperor.
All envoys received valuable gifts in acknowledgement of the tribute they presented. They also were permitted to buy and sell private trade goods at specified, officially supervised markets, both in the capital and on the coasts and frontiers.
Thus, copper coins and luxury goods notably silks and porcelains flowed out of China, and pepper, other spices, and similar rarities flowed in.
On the western and northern frontiers the principal exchange was in Chinese tea and steppe horses. On balance, the combined tribute and trade activities were highly advantageous to foreigners—so much so that the Chinese early established limits for the size and cargoes of foreign missions and prescribed long intervals that must elapse between missions.
The principal aim of Ming foreign policy was political: To this end the Hongwu emperor repeatedly sent armies northward and northwestward to punish resurgent Mongol groups and prevent any reconsolidation of Mongol power.
The Yongle emperor was even more zealous: His successors, though less zealous than he in this regard, were vigilant enough so that the Great Wall was restored and expanded to its present-day extent and dimensions. Frontier defense forces, aligned in nine defense commands stretching from Manchuria to Gansu, kept China free from Mongol incursions, except for occasional raiding forays such as those by Esen Taiji and Altan Khan.
The fact that the Mongols could not reunite themselves was a fortunate circumstance for Ming China. Because they served the Yongle emperor as a loyal rear guard during his seizure of the throne, he rewarded them with virtual autonomywithdrawing the Chinese command post from their homeland beyond the Great Wall.
These withdrawals isolated Manchuria from China proper, terminated active Chinese military control in Inner Mongolia, and exposed the Beijing area in particular to the possibility of probing raids from the nearby steppes. They reflected an essentially defensive Chinese posture in the north, which by late Ming times allowed the Oirat to infiltrate and dominate Hami and other parts of the northwestern frontier and the Manchu to rise to power in the northeast.
The Ming attitude toward foreign peoples other than the Mongols was generally unaggressive: The Hongwu emperor made this his explicit policy. The Yongle emperor was much more aggressive. On one early voyage, Zheng He intervened in a civil war in Java and established a new king there; on another, he captured the hostile king of Sri Lanka and took him prisoner to China.
The Yongle emperor also reacted to turbulence in Nam Viet by sending an expeditionary force that incorporated the area into the Ming domain as a province in Nam Viet was abandoned in after protracted guerrilla-style resistance had thoroughly undermined Chinese control there. A new civil war in Nam Viet provoked the Chinese, after long and agonized discussion, to prepare to intervene there again inbut the offer of ritual submission by a usurper gave the Chinese an opportunity to avoid war, and they welcomed it.
The rules were so strict as to disrupt even coastal fishing and trading, on which large populations in the south and southeast had traditionally based their livelihood. Such unrealistic prohibitions were unpopular and unenforceable, and, from about the midth century, Chinese readily collaborated with foreign traders in widespread smuggling, for the most part officially condoned.
In addition, by late Ming times, thousands of venturesome Chinese had migrated to become mercantile entrepreneurs in the various regions of Southeast Asia and even in Japan.
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In efforts to enforce its laws, the Ming court closed all maritime trade supervisorates except the one at Guangzhou early in the 16th century, and by the s it had begun to reinvigorate coastal defenses against marauders throughout the southeast and the south.
These circumstances shaped the early China coast experiences of the Europeanswho first appeared in Ming China in The Portuguese had already established themselves in southern India and at Malacca, where they learned of the huge profits that could be made in the regional trade between the China coast and Southeast Asia.
Becoming involved in what the Ming court considered smuggling and piracy, the Portuguese were not welcomed to China, but they would not be rebuffed, and by they had taken control of a settlement at the walled-off end of a coastal peninsula present-day Macau and were trading periodically at nearby Guangzhou. In Spaniards from Manila visited Guangzhou in a vain effort to get official trading privileges, and soon they were developing active though illegal trade on the Guangdong and Fujian coasts.
Representatives of the Dutch East India Companyafter unsuccessfully trying to capture Macau from the Portuguese intook control of coastal Taiwan in and began developing trade contacts in nearby Fujian and Zhejiang provinces. In a squadron of five English ships shot its way into Guangzhou and disposed of its cargoes there. Christian missionaries from Europe were handicapped by the bad reputation their trader countrymen had acquired in China, but the Jesuit tactic of accommodating to local customs eventually got the Jesuits admitted to the mainland.
Matteo Ricci was the successful pioneer, beginning his work in well-trained in the Chinese language and acquainted with Confucian learning. By the time of his death indespite hostility in some quarters, Jesuit communities were established in many cities of south and central China, a church had been built in Beijing under imperial patronage, and Christianity was known and respected by many Chinese scholar-officials.
Before the end of the dynasty, Jesuits had won influential converts at court notably the grand secretary Xu Guangqior Paul Xuhad produced Chinese books on European science as well as theology, and were manufacturing Portuguese-type cannon for Ming use against the Manchu.
Both European technology and European ideas were beginning to have some effect on China, albeit still very limited. Thus, demographic and economic trends that had characterized China for centuries—the southward movement of population and the urbanization and commercialization of life—were arrested or even reversed.
The North China Plain had been neglected since early Song times, and its rehabilitation became a high-priority project of the early Ming emperors. Securing the northern frontier was the major political goal of both these emperors, and both had reasons for being somewhat suspicious of southerners and hostile toward them.
In consequence, both emperors regularly moved well-to-do city dwellers of the Yangtze delta region to northern towns for their cultural adornment, resettled peasants from the overpopulated southeast into the vacant lands of the north for their agrarian redevelopment, and instituted water-control projects to restore the productivity of the Huang and Huai river basins.
Notable among these is the rehabilitation and extension of the Grand Canal, which reopened in Colonists were normally provided with seeds, tools, and animals and were exempted from taxes for three years. The numerous army garrisons that were stationed in the north for defense of the frontier and of the post capital at Beijing were also given vacant lands to develop and were encouraged to become self-supporting.
Such government measures were supplemented, following political reunification, by popular migration into the relatively frontierlike and open north. Rehabilitation of northern China was no doubt also facilitated by the new availability of sorghum for dry farming.
All these elements produced a substantial revival of the north. In Yuan times, censuses credited the northern provinces with only one-tenth of the total Chinese population, but by the late 16th century they claimed some two-fifths of the registered total. Suspension of government incentives late in the 15th century caused the northwest to enter into agrarian decline, and Shaanxi eventually became impoverished and bandit-infested. Support of the frontier defenses became an increasing burden on the central government.
During the migrations back to northern China, the registered populations of the largest urban centres of the southeast declined.
For example, between andNanjing declined from 1, to , Zhejiang province from 10, to 5,, and Jiangxi province from 8, to 5, It should be mentioned, however, that the actual population in cities typically was greater than what was registered. Despite this leveling trend in the regional distribution of population, southern China—especially the southeast—remained the most populous, the wealthiest, and the most cultured area of China in Ming times.
Great southeastern cities such as Nanjing, Suzhouand Hangzhou remained the major centres of trade and manufacturing, entertainment, and scholarship and the arts. Beijing was their only rival in the north—solely because of its being the centre of political power. Domestic peace and political stability in the 15th century clearly set the stage for great general prosperity in the 16th century.
This can be accounted for in part as the cumulative result of the continuing spread of early ripening rice and of cotton production—new elements that had been introduced into the Chinese economy in Song and Yuan times. The introduction in the 16th century of food crops originating in America—peanuts groundnutscorn maizeand sweet potatoes—created an even stronger agrarian basis for rapidly escalating population growth in the Qing period.
Agriculture Neo-feudal land-tenure developments of late Song and Yuan times were arrested with the establishment of the Ming dynasty. Great landed estates were confiscated by the government, fragmented, and rented out, and private slavery was forbidden.
In the 15th century, consequently, independent peasant landholders dominated Chinese agriculture. As early as the s, the farming population was in new difficulties despite repeated tax remissions and other efforts to ameliorate its condition.
Large-scale landlordism gradually reappeared, as powerful families encroached upon the lands of poor neighbours. Song-style latifundia do not seem to have reemerged, but, by the late years of the dynasty, sharecropping tenancy was the common condition of millions of peasants, especially in central and southeastern China, and a new gulf had opened between the depressed poor and the exploitative rich.
The later Ming government issued countless pronouncements lamenting the plight of the common man but never undertook any significant reform of land-tenure conditions. Taxation The Ming laissez-faire policy in agrarian matters had its counterpart in fiscal administration.
The Ming state took the collection of land taxes—its main revenues by far—out of the hands of civil service officials and entrusted that responsibility directly to well-to-do family heads in the countryside. Each designated tax captain was, on the average, responsible for tax collections in an area for which the land-tax quota was 10, piculs of grain one picul is the equivalent of 3.
In collaboration with the lijia community chiefs of his fiscal jurisdiction, he saw to it that tax grains were collected and then delivered, in accordance with complicated instructions; some went to local storage vaults under control of the district magistrate and some to military units, which, by means of the Grand Canal, annually transported more than three million piculs northward to Beijing.
In the early Ming years, venal tax captains seem to have been able to amass fortunes by exploiting the peasantry. Later, however, tax captains normally faced certain ruin because tax-evading manipulations by large landlords thrust tax burdens increasingly on those least able to pay and forced tax captains to make up deficiencies in their quotas out of their personal reserves.
The land-tax rate was highly variable, depending not on the productivity of any plot but on the condition of its tenurewhich might be as freehold or as one of several categories of land rented from the government.
This reform was little more than a bookkeeping change at best, and it was not universally applied. Land-tax inequities were unaffected, and assessments rose sharply and repeatedly from to meet spiraling costs of defense. Many revenues other than land taxes contributed to support of the government. Some, such as mine taxes and levies on marketplace shops and vending stalls, were based on proprietorship; others, such as salt taxes, wine taxes, and taxes on mercantile goods in transit, were based on consumption.
Revenues at the disposal of the central government were always relatively small. Coinage Copper coins were used throughout the Ming dynasty. Paper money was used for various kinds of payments and grants by the government, but it was always nonconvertible and, consequently, lost value disastrously. It would in fact have been utterly valueless, except that it was prescribed for the payment of certain types of taxes.
The exchange of precious metals was forbidden in early Ming times, but gradually bulk silver became common currency, and, after the midth century, government accounts were reckoned primarily in taels ounces of silver. By the end of the dynasty, silver coins produced in Mexicointroduced by Spanish sailors based in the Philippineswere becoming common on the south coast.
It would seem clear, however, that private capitalism in Ming times flourished only insofar as it was condoned by the state, and it was never free from the threat of state suppression and confiscation. State control of the economy—and of society in all its aspects, for that matter—remained the dominant characteristic of Chinese life in Ming times, as it had earlier. Culture The predominance of state power also marked the intellectual and aesthetic life of Ming China. By requiring use of their interpretations of the Classics in education and in the civil service examinations, the state prescribed the Neo-Confucianism of the great Song thinkers Cheng Yi and Zhu Xi as the orthodoxy of Ming times; by patronizing or commandeering craftsmen and artists on a vast scale, it set aesthetic standards for all the minor arts, for architecture, and even for painting, and, by sponsoring great scholarly undertakings and honouring practitioners of traditional literary forms, the state established norms in those realms as well.
Thus, it has been easy for historians of Chinese culture to categorize the Ming era as an age of bureaucratic monotony and mediocrity, but the stable, affluent Ming society actually proved to be irrepressibly creative and iconoclastic. Drudges by the hundreds and thousands may have been content with producing second-rate imitations or interpretations of Tang and Song masterpieces in all genresbut independent thinkers, artists, and writers were striking out in many new directions.
The final Ming century especially was a time of intellectual and artistic ferment akin to the most seminal ages of the past. State espousal of Zhu Xi thought and state repression of noted early Ming litterateurs, such as the poet Gao Qi and the thinker Fang Xiaoru, made for widespread philosophical conformity during the 15th century. Philosophical problems about human identity and destiny, however, especially in an increasingly autocratic system, rankled in many minds, and new blends of Confucian, Daoist, and Buddhist elements appeared in a sequence of efforts to find ways of personal self-realization in contemplative, quietistic, and even mystical veins.
Through the 16th century, intense philosophical discussions were fostered, especially in rapidly multiplying private academies shuyuan. Rampant iconoclasm climaxed with Li Zhia zealous debunker of traditional Confucian moralitywho abandoned a bureaucratic career for Buddhist monkhood of a highly unorthodox type.
Excesses of this sort provoked occasional suppressions of private academies, periodic persecutions of heretics, and sophisticated counterarguments from traditionalistic, moralistic groups of scholars, such as those associated with the Donglin Academy near Suzhou, who blamed the late Ming decline of political efficiency and morality on widespread subversion of Zhu Xi orthodoxy. The zealous searching for personal identity was only intensified, however, when the dynasty finally collapsed. The sober, delicate monochrome porcelains of the Song dynasty were now superseded by rich, decorative polychrome wares.
The best known of these are of blue-on-white decor, which gradually changed from floral and abstract designs to a pictorial emphasis. By late Ming times, perhaps because of the unavailability of the imported Iranian cobalt that was used for the finest blue-on-white products, more-flamboyant polychrome wares of three and even five colours predominated.
Painting—chiefly portraiture—followed traditional patterns under imperial patronage, but independent gentlemen painters became the most esteemed artists of the age, especially four masters of the Wu school in the Suzhou area: Their work, always of great technical excellence, became less and less academic in style, and out of this tradition, by the late years of the dynasty, emerged a conception of the true painter as a professionally competent but deliberately amateurish artist bent on individualistic self-expression.
Notably in landscapes, a highly cultivated and somewhat romantic or mystical simplicity became the approved style, perhaps best exemplified in the work of Dong Qichang. No Ming practitioner of traditional poetry has won special esteem, though Ming literati churned out poetry in prodigious quantities.
Perhaps the most admired master was Gui Youguang, whose most famous writings are simple essays and anecdotes about everyday life—often rather loose and formless but with a quietly pleasing charm, evoking character and mood with artless-seeming delicacy. The iconoclasm of the final Ming decades was mirrored in a literary movement of total individual freedom, championed notably by Yuan Zhongdao, but writings produced during this period were later denigrated as insincere, coarse, frivolousand so strange and eccentric as to make impossible demands on the readers.
The late Ming iconoclasm did successfully call attention to popular fiction in colloquial style. In retrospect, this must be reckoned the most significant literary work of the late Yuan and Ming periods, even though it was disdained by the educated elite of the time.
The late Yuan—early Ming novels Sanguozhi yanyi Romance of the Three Kingdoms and Shuihuzhuan The Water Margin, also published as All Men Are Brothers became the universally acclaimed masterpieces of the historical and picaresque genres, respectively. Sequels to each were produced throughout the Ming period.