The egyptian empire in palestine a reassessment of relationship

Time periods in the Palestine region - Wikipedia

the egyptian empire in palestine a reassessment of relationship

David, Solomon and Egypt: A Reassessment is a study into the life and times of used to determine the relations and contacts between Egypt and Palestine at the time The other three texts are associated with the 22nd dynasty and include. Egypt and Palestine in the Second Intermediate Period Daphna Ben-Tor World B.C.: Studies in Egyptian Foreign Relations during the First Intermediate Period. Beirut. The Egyptian Empire in Palestine: A Reassessment. In considering Egypt and her relations to the Mediterranean, a distinction in . to Egypt as well as commercial relationships to the Levant in the 12th Dynasty, . the southern Levant/southern Palestine and Lower Egypt already started in the In The Sea Peoples and Their World: A Reassessment, edited by E. D. Oren, pp.

Egyptian interest in Nubia can be traced back to the 1st controlling the region.

the egyptian empire in palestine a reassessment of relationship

Kings Hor-Aha and Djer of Dynasty 1 conducted more costly to operate, whereas the imperial model, with its military raids into Nubia, with the latter leaving a rock inscrip- greater reliance on local princes to administer Pharaoh's tion near Wadi Halfa in the Second Cataract region. Weni and Harkuf are certainly among the most cele- economically viable. Despite Egypt's military and economic brated and they remind us of the primarily economic nature of prowess in both the Middle and New Kingdoms, it seems the missions that occasionally required military action in order Copyright James K.

Logistically, a colonial system would be eas- described as being economically based with only periodic mil- ier to establish and control in Nubia because the Nile facili- itary coercion being used when Egypt's interests were threat- tated travel and communication between the two lands. However, Byblos certainly had action between Egypt and Canaan was impeded by the long a unique relationship with Egypt that was economically bene- desert track between the east delta and Gaza, Rapha, and ficial for both partners.

Weinstein describes the association as Sharuhen, the southernmost Canaanite cities. Alternatively, "a special economic and political relationship" that endured sea travel was required connect with the Levant, which was throughout most of the 2nd Millennium B. The term "col- more hazardous and never favored by the Egyptians even ony" may be fitting for Byblos,47 the same is not true, how- though they had an active navy.

Thus, it might be suggested ever, for the rest of Syria-Palestine as Redford observes: Titles denoting coloni- zation, occupation, and military surveillance are cer- Ahmose, Amenhotep I, and Thutmose I concentrated on tainly known in the Middle Kingdom, but they turn up Nubia in order to reestablish the policy that had flourished mainly in the Nubian theater. During this Intermediate period had to be dismantled. And, no doubt, fear period modest sized compared with the Nubian forts Egyp- of infiltration and aggression towards Egypt must also have tian administrative centers, called "Governor's Residencies," been a concern of the 18th Dynasty Pharaohs after the Kush- began to appear throughout Canaan.

Carolyn Higginbothom, for instance, has The return to the 12th Dynasty colonial model is supported argued that they belonged to Canaanite rulers or administra- by two lines of evidence. First, some of the abandoned Middle tors who Egyptianized their architecture so as to look Egyp- Kingdom forts, like the ones at Buhen and Askut, were refur- tian for reasons of status.

If the so called "governor's residencies" did not serve of the campaign mentioned in Apophis's intercepted commu- these purposes in the LB II period, what did? Military titles associated with Kush Egyptian forts, however, are known from texts to have are attested already in the reign of Ahmose, e.

Egypt and the Mediterranean in the Bronze Age: The Archaeological Evidence

Viceroyand during Gaza. Anas- Amenhotep I's reign, the title was expanded to include "Over- tasi 54 provide the names and the sequence of these military seer of Southern Lands. Not until recent years has administrative structure was put in place to oversee Egypt's evidence of theses military structures come to light. During affairs in Nubia, which relied principally upon Egyptian offi- the s Eliezer Oren identified 80 New Kingdom sites of cials and not local Nubians as noted above.

The vessels with the serekh of Narmer found at several sites in fortress uncovered at site A was relatively small, measur- southern Canaan. Between andTrude Dot- monarch's, viz. As a consequence of wares and local copies of Egyptian ceramics have also been the excavations of these Israeli scholars, the eastern end of the discovered in recent years at Tel Erani, Tel Maahaz and Tel military road and its network of forts are being clarified.

Time periods in the Palestine region

Mohamed Abd el-Maksoud is the active king. The settlement dates to at least the 14th military activities.

The Israel-Palestine conflict: a brief, simple history

He maintains that "Ahmose could hope to Dynasty, according to an inscription bearing the cartouche of extend a dampening influence on any unruly elements of the Nehesy. Because of Egyptian economic interest in the region, it this writer directs, discovered another fort located 7 km. SE of would make little sense to adopt a scorched earth policy in Hebua at Tell el-Borg. Complete with an impressive moat, this Canaan. By when Thutmose I acceded the throne, he fort went through three building phases the earliest of which was able to march, apparently unmolested, all the way to the was likely constructed during the reign of Thutmose III, while Euphrates river, 70 indicating that the Levant was at least nom- the two later phases were built in the late 18thDynasty and inally loyal to Egypt.

Coastal areas where the Egyptian navy Ramesside period respectively. Regrettably, this new infor- pendent of Egypt for the seventy-five years after the expulsion mation does not shed new light on directly Egypt's foreign of the Hyksos, but that would change under the energetic policy in the Levant. Policy Changes under Thutmose III quently, it is hard to believe that they did no have numerous military and administrative centers strategically located Not until Thutmose III's first campaign in B.

It suggests that Egypt was Dynasty citadel at Tell el-Dabca by the Austrian expedition is moving towards an imperial model of domination. The texts, shedding new light on 18th Dynasty Levantine foreign policy. From the early 18th Dynasty, Egypt considered Hyksos period city of Avaris, and dates its establishment to Syria-Palestine to be a vassal state. Loyalty to Pharaoh was the reign of Ahmose.

The Prince of Kadesh's plot, whether prompted by built as a base of operation for launching the military cam- Mitanni or not,72 that resulted in the rebellion at Megiddo, and paigns of Ahmose and his successors into Canaan and Syria.

The opening lines of Thutmose nal date for the usage of the fort. It appears that Egypt was able to flex its loyal vassals had been in place, although, whether this muscles and demonstrate to the Levantine city-states that Pha- arrangement had been formalized or assumed by the Egyp- raoh once again was their master without having to conquer tians is not clear.

But with Thutmose III the policy became the entire land. James suggested this scenario many normative. First, the rebel leaders had to take an oath of loyalty years ago: By the education and indoctrination. These products, in turn, become the king's per- royal agentslxxix in order to take care of their harvest. In other words, a "gift-giving" economy A list of the harvest which was taken away for his maj- existed.

That a "gift-giving" economy prevailed in the Near esty from the fields of Megiddo. Jac Janssen has contributed significantly to our under- Utilizing Egyptian agents in overseeing the harvest and standing of this practice within Egypt. The objective, apparently, was to pro- this practice in the Near East during the Amarna period. Blie- vide food for Egyptian troops and horses when campaigning berg's studies have shown that this practice is well-attested in in the region.

Shmuel Ahituv has suggested that grains going earlier periods. It comes from Nubia Pharaoh that preparations were under way for the next cam- and Lebanon, while inw does not. In el- Balah, Tell Mor, Aphek, and Beth Shan may have served as other words, the terms inw and bAk seem to reflect the different storage centers. This policy is mentioned for the insights into the economic strategies are now becoming clear. Now if anyone Egypt. For inaugurated by Thutmose III, are found in some of the Ama- instance, bAk is used for goods coming from Kush, Wawat and rna correspondence of the 14th century.

Aziru of Amurru, in Lebanon, whereas inw is applied to materials from Retenu, order to show his loyalty to Egypt says "I herewith give [my] Assyria, Wartjet, Djahy, Genbut, Hatti, Isy, Alalakh and sons as 2 att[endants] and they are to do what the k[ing, my Tinay. Bleiberg associates this practice father's house EA Dalton saw ancient economies Perhaps in the absence of a son, or one old enough to be sent resulting from "a fusion of social and economic institutions Transactions of mate- brother [t]o you" EA Alternatively, Amin Amer marry the pharaohs in order to seal diplomatic relations.

The remainder of the 18th year; she may have been sent for a diplomatic marriage. Deportation Policies Small numbers of prisoners of war are mentioned on the VI. Concluding Thoughts biographical texts of the early 18th Dynasty, but there are no This paper has attempted to draw attention to some of the extant royal inscriptions before those of Thutmose III that other aspects of Egyptian foreign policy in the Levant and indicate the scale of deportations from Syria-Palestine.

It is sug- Annals carefully document the figures. For year thirty, 36 men based with periodic military measures being taken to support and male Hm and female Hmt servants are listed; year it. The means of controlling Western Asia from the days of thirty-one - prisoners-of-war; year 33 - 66 male and Ahmose through Hatshepsut was very different than those female servants with their children, and from the same year, methods used in Nubia for the same period. The Kadesh male and female servants were received as tribute from inspired rebellion against Egypt at Megiddo was the wake up Retenu; year 34 - male and female servants came as trib- call that prompted Thutmose III to adopt new and more ute from Retenu; year 38 - 50 prisoners of war and male aggressive imperial measures to regulate the region through and female servants are listed as tribute from Retenu.

The failures complete, thousands of people from Canaan and Syria were of Amarna period diplomacy undoubtedly prompted a further transported to Egypt as prisoners-of-war or as gifts from vari- tightening of control by the establishment of LB II period ous kings.

  • Demographic history of Palestine (region)

In so doing, the Ramesside strat- ness to a continuation of the policy of deporting Semitic egy in Canaan may have been an attempt at to establish on a speaking peoples from western Asia to Egypt.

Amenhotep II's smaller scale the colonial model that had been so effective in year seven Memphis stela records two sorties into the Levant. Figures given for captured peoples are Maryanu elite Hurrian warriorswives of Maryanu, Canaanites, children of princes, daughters of the princes, con- cubines of the princess, with the total being 2, individu- als.

Adding all the individual figures, the sum is actu- allyAnthony Spalinger, for instance, thinks the figures were deliberately exaggerated and rhetorical in nature. The late Elmar Edel proposed that the figures on the Mem- phis stela represent the grand total for all campaigns up to the Copyright James K.

Redford on this He was my professor in a number of courses, 10 For a review of this position, and recent defenses of it, both in the areas of Egyptian History and Egyptian texts. My see Levant 21 University of of his classes and reading some of these texts together. Addi- Chicago, Redford was gracious enough to include me on 12 "The Egyptian Empire in Palestine: Additionally, between and 14 The results of these surveys were recently treated he was reader for my dissertation.

Hadidi, ; 18th Dynasty. Prince- encouragement and support over the past 30years. A Social History Cambridge: Emery, Archaic Egypt Baltimore: Penguin Age in Palestine," Levant 21 University of Okla- University of California Press, 5 Urk.

Some Reconsiderations," JEA 52 Oxford University Press, ; Bruce Trigger, et. For 8 Pen-Nekhbet lists the campaigns in which he was other recent work on the Nubian forts during the 12th involved.

the egyptian empire in palestine a reassessment of relationship

Salo Wittmayer Baron estimated the population at 2. According to Israeli archeologist Magen Broshi, west of the Jordan River the population did not exceed 1 million: The first was the rise of Christianity.

The second involved the Jewish Diasporas resulting from a series of Jewish rebellions against the Roman occupation, starting in AD 66 which resulted in the destruction of the Second Temple and of Jerusalem in AD 70 to the subsequent expulsion of the Jews from Jerusalem, and followed by the rebellion against Hadrian in AD — the Bar Kokhba revolt. The sheer scale and scope of the overall destruction, according to a late epitome of Dio Cassius 's Roman History, where he states that Roman war operations in the country had left someJews dead, with many more dying of hunger and disease, while 50 of their most important outposts and of their most famous villages were razed to the ground.

The third event was the 'ascension' of Constantine the Great in and Christianity becoming the official state religion of Rome in Figures vary considerably as to the demographics of Palestine in the Christian era.

Demographic history of Palestine (region) - Wikipedia

Although many Jews were killed, expelled or sold off into slavery after the AD 66—70 and the — rebellions, the degree to which these transfers affected the Jewish dominance in Palestine is rarely addressed.

What is certain is that Palestine did not lose its Jewish component. Goldblatt [19] concludes that the Jews may have remained a majority into the 3rd century AD and even beyond. He notes that 'Jewish followers of Jesus' Jewish Christians would not have taken part in the rebellions'. Non-Christian conversions from Judaism after the Bar Kochba revolt were not given much attention.

the egyptian empire in palestine a reassessment of relationship

Apostates from Judaism aside from converts to Christianity received little notice in antiquity from either Jewish or non-Jewish writers, but ambitious individuals are known to have turned pagan before the war, and it stands to reason that many more did so after its disastrous conclusion.