John Kerry: US-UK special relationship 'unbreakable' despite Brexit
But when it comes to the power dynamic of the transatlantic alliance, the U.S. is decidedly less sentimental, says British historian Max Hastings. for undermining “special relationship”', The Sunday Telegraph, 'The raw truth about the US-UK “special relationship”', BBC, 23 May , and 'Hillary. The raw truth about the UK's special relationship with Israel While F production is led by US arms company Lockheed Martin, British.
Double standards In MayIsrael became the first country to mount an air attack using the new generation F stealth warplane, hitting targets in Syria. Britain has a long history of supporting Israeli aggression AFP Nothing is allowed to interrupt the " very close defence British military pilots are even being trained by a company owned by Israel arms firm Elbit Systems.
Israel is believed to possess 80 to nuclear warheads, some of which are deployed on its submarines. The UK is effectively aiding this nuclear deployment by supplying submarine components to Israel.
Britain has a long history of helping Israel to develop nuclear weapons. In the s and s Conservative and Labour governments made hundreds of sales of nuclear materials to Israel, including plutonium and uranium.
The contrast with British policy towards Iran is striking. Foreign Secretary Boris Johnson states that the UK is "adamant that a nuclear-armed Iran would never be acceptable" and thus maintains sanctions against Iran. At the same time Britain refuses to adopt any sanctions against Israel, an actual nuclear state. Inthe UK and other states agreed to a UN resolution to establish a nuclear weapons-free zone in the Middle East.
It is not known whether Britain has ever seriously pressed Israel on this. This follows naval exercises between Britain and Israel in December and November Through its blockade, the Israeli navy restricts Palestinians' fishing rights, even firing on local fishermen. The blockade of Gaza is widely regarded as illegal, including by senior UN officialsa UN independent panel of experts and Amnesty Internationalpartly since it inflicts "collective punishment" on an entire population.
Little is known of the intelligence relationship between the UK and Israel.
There have been differences such as in when prime minister Margaret Thatcher ordered a freeze in relations with Mossad after a female Israeli agent lured Mordechai Vanunu, who was trying to reveal Israel's nuclear secrets, to Rome where he was kidnapped.
As the mandatory power in Palestine from toBritain enabled the gradual takeover of Palestine by the Zionist movement Former MI6 director Sir Richard Dearlove recently said that British intelligence did not always share information with Israel "because we could never guarantee how the intelligence might or would be used".
But the Telegraph reports that the relationship between MI6 and Mossad has become closer in recent years with both concerned about nuclear proliferation in Iran.
The director of the British spy centre GCHQ says the latter has a "strong partnership with our Israeli counterparts in signals intelligence" and that "we are building on an excellent cyber relationship with a range of Israeli bodies". The interceptions took place just three weeks before Israel's offensive on Gaza in Januarysuggesting that they may have helped Israel gear up for the offensive.
Britain completely opposes the Boycott, Divestment and Sanctions BDS movement and rejects imposing even the most basic sanctions on Israel, such as travel bans on those involved in expanding illegal settlements.
The raw truth about the UK's special relationship with Israel | Middle East Eye
Indeed, the government appears to be helping Israel counter the BDS movement. Rather, the UK wants trade relations to go from " strength to strength ", bolstering the UK's position as the primary Israeli investment location in Europe.
Yet this is meaningless in light of actual British policy, which is never known to press Israel strongly to end settlement building or the occupation. The UK simply calls on Israel to "ease" restrictions on Gaza, and rather than demand an Israeli withdrawal from the occupied Golan Heights, Britain only calls on Israel to "uphold its obligations under international law".
Hundreds of millions of dollars' worth of goods produced in these settlements are exported internationally each year, including oranges, dates and spring water.
Just How Special is the U.K.-U.S. 'Special Relationship'? One Briton's View - HISTORY
Palestinian youths wanting to play football in the Maale Adumim settlement in the Israeli-occupied West Bank seen in the background are blocked by Israeli security forces as they try to enter the settlement in October AFP Yet Britain permits this trade and does not even keep a record of imports into the UK from the settlements. Indeed, Boris Johnson has explicitly said that it is the "policy of the UK" to trade with the illegal settlements and that this will continue. None of the above is intended to represent a wail of nationalistic self-pity.
The military partnership between the two nations was an extraordinary success story. It worked wonderfully well at the operational level.
Difficulties and jealousies mounted only in the upper reaches of command hierarchies. Its achievement is not diminished by injecting some unromantic qualifications, unpalatable to neoconservatives. Since the Second World Warthe United States has conducted its foreign policy on the principle that dictates the actions of all governments including our own: The Americans respected the abilities of British civil servants and diplomats who sustained a key role in international diplomacy, and drafted many agreements.
Successive British governments, in their anxiety to sustain American goodwill, gave away many things too cheaply. For instance, allowing American nuclear-armed bombers to be based here and giving the U.
The Americans demanded a level of military support which the Treasury and the British army, threadbare despite its residual paper might, struggled to provide. The Clement Attlee government proposed a rearmament program that would increase defense spending from 7 to almost 10 percent of GDP.
In its desperation to sustain American goodwill, the Labour government sought to meet this target, though the promised aid never materialized. It was left to the Tories who took office in to cut back the rearmament program to 10 percent, though even this imposed an intolerable burden. Why this craven relationship with the U. Yet he is right that British anxiety to please Washington has often generated embarrassments and sometimes humiliations.
The Eisenhower administration was justified in denying support to the indefensible invasion of Egyptenforcing British retreat amid the threat of our financial collapse.
But the desertion hurt. British leaders should notice that when their predecessors have dared to think for themselves, consequences have generally proved less alarming than Downing Street feared. The first notable example was Vietnam.
Just How Special is the U.K.-U.S. 'Special Relationship'? One Briton's View
Secretary of State Dean Rusk told a British journalist bitterly: Both worked to dissuade Margaret Thatcher from launching military operations, and to distance the U. In the last days of the conflict, the president urged Thatcher to halt her task force outside Port Stanley before it inflicted absolute defeat on the Buenos Aires regime. Defense Secretary Caspar Weinberger, an uncommonly staunch anglophile, authorized the provision of important aid to British forces, in the form of signals intelligence, fuel, Sidewinder missiles and use of the U.
This proved a rare moment in the postwar relationship, wherein America acted against its own perceived interests to assist a unilateral British purpose.