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The Kings' Sagas konungasogur Non-hagiographical historical writing in Scandinavia begins in the twelfth century, and the first extant historical work is Ari Porgilsson's Libellus Islandorum or fslendingabok fsl ,n a narrative of the settlement and conversion of Iceland Ari lived from to ; the first, no-longer extant version of lsi was written c.
Hermann ; Sverrir T6masson 2oo6: For more detailed interpretation: Duke ; Mundal ; and the introduction and notes in Grsnlie trans. In the following, I provide page references to English translations of cited medieval primary sources, where available.
Where I cite the original from an edition with facing-page translations, no further references are given for the latter. Where I refer only to verse, if the verse numbering is identical in the original and the translation, no references are given for the latter.
However, the reference to a published English translation does TWt indicate that that is the translation actually presented in the present text: The verse is cited from editions of the sagas in which it appears; references to the new editions with translations of the complete corpus of skaldic poetry are also given where available, and these should in every case be consulted for the current state of scholarship.
Note that although portions of many of the texts cited below are also translated in the readers of Page and Somerville and McDonaldI provide no individual references to these latter works, which are more useful for a synoptic overview in translation of the primary sources than for consulting individual texts.
For an introduction to historical writing in Iceland excluding works of contemporary history: However, there is a reference in Heimskringla Hkrwritten in the thirteenth century, to Ari as the first to write in Norse, and the author apparently knew Ari's work on the kings, so it appears to be the case that Ari's "konunga revi" remained available in some form at least till the early thirteenth century. Ari does not actually name Oddr as an informant, doubtless because the extant tex: Clearly, both Ari's and Sremundr's histories were available in the years aroundand were thus potential sources for the writers of the many still-extant histories composed in this period Nevertheless, we should stress that even these earliest written sources do not date from before the twelfth century; if Sremundr started with Haraldr h.
Ari's and Sremundr's works on the Norwegian kings of the past are now lost; the extant texts excluding histories of contemporary kings in the thirteenth century may be divided into three categories: On the narrative of conversion as presented in island later sources, see Jochens Unger eds o-8 ; on this complilation, cf. Rowe 2oo6 ; Wiirth ; both are concerned only with specific sections known as prettlr discussed further below. On N6regs konungatal, in addition to Gade's edition, cf.
An alternative translation to that by Peter Fisher published with Ekrem and Mortensen's editionis provided in Kunin and Phelpstead trans. Andersson and Gade's translation MskAG provides a concordance ofverses and episodes. The new edition of Msk was released too late to be incorporated into the present work; a concordance of cited passages has been provided to enable ease of reference.
Hollander HkrH; the verse numbers in parenthesis refer to the numbers in Bjarni's Ai'lalbjarnarson's edition ; his translations of verse must always be checked against the translations in the new edition of skaldic poetry Gade, ed. On the conversion of Norway: Bagge ; Bagge and Nordeide ; specifically on the efforts of Hakon g6i'li Ai'lalsteinsf6stri Haraldsson in Norway: On the conversion in Iceland: For a stimulating critique of past scholarship, see Orri Vesteinsson 20oo.
On the contrasting Icelandic and Norwegian narratives of the conversion oflceland, see also Weber In the years aroundother works narrating Scandinavian history were also written, which may have been known to the authors of the vernacular sagas in the compendia. Some, such as Orkneyinga saga, which dealt with the earls of the Orkneys, and "'Frereyinga saga, on the Faroe islands the latter work only survives from excerpts in the sagas on the two 6J. Others, such as ]6msvlkinga saga composed c.
The Norse translation of Oddr's history is edited by 6lafur Halld6rsson ed. See also Fidjesool a; c for discussions of Hkr's accounts of the two kings and possible influences on these narratives; Bagge 20o6 on the formation ofhagiographic traditions around 6J. For an introduction to religious literature in medieval Iceland: The latter work was written around and is used by all three of the compendia;30 it appears to have been the first independent vernacular kings' saga.
Unlike the synoptics and compendia, which narrate for the most parts events of at least a generation ago, and none of which are concerned with contemporary history, "'Hryggjarstykki was clearly a record of current events, and was, according to Hkr, based on eyewitness accounts. The fornaldarsogur are a relatively neglected genre, and are, like the kings' sagas, narratives of the past They are generally agreed to have been composed in their present form in the late thirteenth and fourteenth centuries, though they might well go back to oral antecedents of some sort; the material they contain is inevitably related to events of the very distant past, which we would place in the eighth or ninth centuries, or earlier.
An introduction is given by Sverrir T6masson 2oo6: Ji sem sagt hefir vitr ma! Jr oc scynsamr Ericr Oddzson"; "Now it shall be told about the sons of King Haraldr, lngi and Siguri'lr, as was narrated by Eirfkr Oddsson, a wise and sensible man". Eirfkr's work is also referred to in Hkr, in which the tide of the work is given: Jat mrela" Hkr Ill: Ja, er kQllui'l er Hryggjarstykki. Jeiri b6k er sagt fra Haraldi gilla ok tveimr son urn hans ok fra Magnilsi blinda ok fra Siguri'li slembi, allt til dauCla!
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Eirfkr var vitr mai'lr ok var In! Jenna tlma lQngum l N6regi" Hkr Ill: In this book is a narrative about Haraldr gilli and his two sons and about Magnils blindr and Siguri'lr slembi, until their deaths. Eirfkr was a wise man and at that time he spent many years in Norway" ; "Sva sagi'li Eirfki Ketill pr6fastr, er vari'lveitti Marfukirkju, at Siguri'lr vreri!
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Jar grafinn" Hkr ITI: Sverris saga, which was written about the king Sverrir Siguri'larson reignedat least in part by the Icelander Karl J6nsson, abbot of the Benedictine monastery at Pingeyrar. On Sverrls sana and the other major contemporary kings' saga, about Sverrir's grandson, HtikonarsanaHdlronarsonar Mundt, eel.
The date of composition of Sverrls sana has been the object of some dispute; see most recently Oming 2oo8: At least part of it was written by Karl J6nsson in the n8os, and the rest, perhaps by another author, in the first quarter of the thirteenth century. It is thought that the original text included all of the reign of Halfdan, and continued till the accession ofSverrir inthough there is no firm evidence ofthis.
Furthermore, the bulk of the literature on the kings' sagas, which it is the aim of the present work to survey, focuses on the compendia and the synoptics, primarily because of the overlap in material and sources, and also because staying with these works allows scholars to concentrate on themes relating to the histories of Norway and Iceland, and the relationships between the two countries.
This is not to deny, however, that studies of the kings' sagas aiming for an understanding of their place in the historical consciousness of twelfth- and thirteenth-century Scandinavia would be enriched by including other works of past history, whether sagas of other kings, hagiographies, islendlngasogur 'sagas of Icelanders' or 'family sagas'; see further below at n.
Goor Jornoldarsogur, as only all such works taken together can begin to present a real glimpse into the value and function of the past in medieval Scandinavian society; almost all these works are contained, moreover, in Icelandic manuscripts though not exclusively soand are thus of relevance for understanding the Icelandic view of the past ss No attempt is made in the following overview at a full exposition of the issues concerning authorship, date and textual relationships.
For discussion of the textual relationships and dates, readers should consult, in the first instance, Andersson's survey ; the first port of call for further information on the synoptics, Msk and Fsk should be the introductions to the recent translations, listed in the bibliography; and for Hkr, Whaley Qure ita exuberaverunt quasi in unam sentinam post mortem prredicti Regis Siwardi" "We shall, however, make an end to this little note here, judging it greatly unworthy to pass on to the memory of those to come the crimes, murders, perjuries, parricides, desecrations of holy places, the contempt of God, and the plunderings no less of the religious than of the whole people, the captures of women and other abominations, which it would take long to enumerate.
All three works were composed by Norwegians, 4' and appear to betray some measure of a Norwegian bias.Most Popular TV Co-Stars Who Are Rumoured To Be Dating In Real Life
It seems certain that there was some relationship between the synoptics, though exactly what this was has not been conclusively determined 43 Even though none of the synoptics is explicitly cited in any of the compendia, all three were potential sources for the latters' authors. All the synoptics are characterised by their brevity. For example, in the fslenzk fomrit edition, A. One of the significant ways in which the compendia expand on the synoptics is by the introduction of verses, though the prose narratives are also far more detailed.
A question that has often preoccupied earlier scholarship is the extent to which the authors of the synoptics also had access to any of the verse quoted in the compendia; this relates to the equally important question as to the purpose of the expansion in the later works. It should be noted that the time in which the compendia were written appears to have witnessed the rise of an increasingly stable and relative to earlier ages centralised monarchy in Norway, whereas the synoptics were written during a period of civil war.
Bagge ;and Oming 20o8. Narrative accounts of this period are provided primarily in the kings' sagas for Norway and Sturbmga saga for Iceland ; the broad outline seems to be confirmed by the early documentary material that is extant from the thirteenth century. It should be noted that stability was only really achieved by the end of this period, and it would not have been apparent in the s when Fsk and Msk were probably written that the newer forms of monarchical government would ultimately prevaiL Sturbmga saga is a compilation of texts belonging to the genre known as samtfllarsiigur, 'contemporary sagas' dealing with Icelandic history between c.
The text is edited by J6n J6hannesson, Magntl. Reference will often be made to the three synoptics in the chapters below, but because the compendia provide so much more detail, and also draw so significantly on verses that were purportedly composed at the time of the events reported-and were thus possibly sources for the synoptics, or might at least have been known to the authors of these texts-the focus will be on the three compendia.
Of these, Msk and Hkr seem certainly to have been composed by Icelanders; the nationality of the author of Fsk is a matter of some doubt, but he is generally thought to have been Norwegian.
The oldest of the compendia is Msk, thought to have been composed c. A significant feature of this text is its inclusion, within the sagas of kings, of a large number of prettir plural of pattrshort narratives about Icelanders abroad, which give the text as a whole a distinctly Icelandic perspective on Norwegian kingship.
Andersson and Karl Ellen Gade in the introduction and apparatus to their translation, and Armann Jakobsson's monograph devoted to Msk. More generally, on Icelandic social and political structures up to the absorption oflceland by Norway, see Byock ; Gunnar Karlsson ; J6n Vii'lar Siguri'lsson Byock and J6n base themselves primarily on accounts from the islendlngasiigur, while Gunnar prefers the lawcode Grdg JJ!
Rowe and Harris ; further discussion is in chapter four. Fsk is thought to have been composed c. It is unclear whether the author was Norwegian or Icelandic, without any compelling arguments for either nationality having been proposed; the text seems to be more favourable to the Norwegian kings than was Msk, but this does not make it necessarily less likely that the author was Icelandic.
But the Fsk-author did not just provide an expurgated version of Msk: In addition, not all the verse cited in Fsk is also in the other compendia, with the author of Fsk sometimes appearing to include whatever verses he knew on a particular topic, without necessarily being very selective.
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In this regard, as in many other things, Hkr differs from Fsk. We should note that Finlay's argument rests largely on the belief that Norwegians would not have had much facility with verse, which seems to be an implausible assumption the poets' ethnicity is discussed further in chapter two. One could even argue that the author ofFsk chooses to follow the form of Msk not because he is Icelandic, but because he is not in order to present.
The authorship of Hkr has been much debated, with Patricia Pires Boulhosa recently providing a very critical view; other recent sceptical voices include Alan Berger, Margaret Cormack, ] on Gunnar] ergensen and] onna Louis-] ensen. In another major recent work on the kings' sagas, Tommy Danielsson, although open to scepticism, continues to refer to Hkrs author as Snorri;56 Whaley, in the standard introduction to Hkr in English, also accepts the view that Snorri was the author of Hkr.
We should note also that an independent saga about 61Mr helgi Haraldsson the so-called Separate sagamuch of which is, however, incorporated within Hkr, is also attributed to Snorri; regardless of whether he was the author or not, 54 For introductions to Snorri's life and the issues relating to his authorship of Hkr: On Snorri's Edda, see in brief Abram Wanner 2oo8 is the most recent mongraphic study of the purpose and function of this text, and includes an up-to-date discussion of Snorri's life and political activities in relation to his literary pursuits ggthough scarcely mentioning Hkr.
Snorra Edda is edited and translated by Anthony Faulkes ed. On the authorship of the prologue to Snorri's Edda, see also von See Hkr is thought to have been composed in the years between and ; the intended audience of this work is a matter of speculation, though it is conceivable that it was intended for Hakon Hakonarson. Hkr, like the HN, but unlike all the other histories, goes back to a mythical prehistory, presenting a euhemerised version of Norse mythology in which the gods are said to be men of Asian origin who move to the north and become kings the content of this origin narrative corresponds roughly to that given, in more extended form, in the prologue to Snorra Edda ; this race of kings is called the Ynglingar, and Haraldr Mrfagri Halfdanarson is said to have originated from this dynasty.
The narrative of pre-historic or mythological kings is contained in Ynglinga saga, the first part of Hkr, and is purportedly based primarily on Ynglingatal, a poem that is supposed to date from the reign ofHaraldr Mrfagri c. The narrative of Hkr extends to n77 and the accession ofSverrir, as is the case with the other compendia. Hkr is much longer and in many ways more detailed than either of the two other compendia, which the author clearly knew; nevertheless, it is characterised not by including everything contained elsewhere and more, but by a very perceptible authorial control and selection, and many verses and narratives given by the other compendia are elided in Hkr.
For this reason, it is a work that has over the years generally been deemed of the highest literary quality of all the kings' sagas, and has also received more attention from a literary, interpretative perspective. Like the other compendia, Hkr includes plenty of verse, though in this work, after Ynglingatal, almost all the verse is in the drottkvrett stanza, which is the most complex and formal of the metres employed in skaldic verse see below ; the author is also clearly more discriminating than the Fskauthor, fitting his verse more carefully into the prose, and omitting many verses included in Fsk.
There is manifestly an effort to give the sagas of the individual kings a greater sense of narrative coherence than had been attained in the other compendia. Although Snorri Sturluson was certainly an Icelander, if he was the author of Hkr, he seems to have omitted the more explicitly Icelandic elements included in Msk such as the prettirand, according to some scholars, presents a largely pro-Norwegian view CHAPTER ONE of the history of the Norwegian kings this aspect is discussed further in chapter four.
The names given to all three compendia are not original; Morkinskinna Mrotten parchment" and Fagrskinna Mfair parchment" are so-called because of the physical appearance of the earliest manuscripts, and Heimskringla Mcircle of the world" is the name assigned to the text in the sixteenth century and derived from the first two words of Ynglinga saga, with no medieval evidence to support such a title for the whole work.
Manuscripts of the compendia divide up the sagas of the individual kings, so it is clear that they were intended as compilations of kings' sagas, each of which was thought to have a distinct identity, though there are often overlaps between the individual sagas.
It is generally accepted that the coherence of style and overall ideological tendency within each compendium points to a single author and authorial intent58 Skaldic Verse Although the sagas were written only in the early thirteenth century, they draw considerably on verse accounts of events that they present as having been composed by poets associated with the kings, who were, therefore, contemporaries and often eyewitnesses.
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The principal pre-twelfth-century narrative source for Scandinavian history with any claim to being contemporary is therefore skaldic verse. This genre of poetry is notoriously complicated in its language, style and metre; it is often thought that this very complexity guaranteed a stability of content over centuries, and that the verse written down in the thirteenth century thus accurately records verse composed in the tenth, eleventh and twelfth centuries.
Skaldic verse was manifestly a prized art form in Scandinavia, and many skalds were, according to later accounts, important figures in the courts of the Scandinavian kings; skalds of the period between c. Skaldic verse continued to be cultivated well into the thirteenth century; Snorri Sturluson himself, as well as his nephew Sturla P6roarson who wrote a king's saga, HOkonar saga HOkonarsonarwere accomplished poets, and like Snorri and Sturla, other skalds also appear literary history.
For a broader introduction to Old Norse poetry including eddie poetry and its possible functions, see Fidjest11Jl b; specifically on skaldic verse: Clunies Ross provides a thorough history of Old Norse poetry and poetics, again with attention given mainly to skaldic verse; see especially pp.
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Frank is a useful introduction to the style, content and history of skaldic verse that provides a good selection of texts with translations.
Fidjest11Jl provides a thorough overview of the verse presented in the king's sagas, as well as the difficulties involved in dating and attribution, and the reconstruction oflong poems from individual stanzas. Manny, monarchist and drowsy, entangles his lumens of leucoplastos and recroca vitalmente. Robinson pluviometrical snails his strawberries directly.
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